Arvind Kejriwal exclusive: “BJP can stoop to any level for power. People fed up of their false promises”

September 1, 2014

In this wide-ranging, exclusive interview with The Political Indian, the Aam Aadmi Party leader tackles question from the next Delhi government, to AAP’s future across the country, to what he does to keep up his energy levels.

Q. How do you react to the reports and allegations of the BJP trying to win over AAP MLAs and leaders to form a government in Delhi?

A: I fail to understand that after a massive “Modi wave” and the thumping victory in the Lok Sabha elections, why is the BJP running away from facing assembly elections in Delhi? Are they afraid of a defeat? They know what would be the results and thus they are trying all sorts of methods to form a government in Delhi. They can stoop to any level to get power.

Q. During your oath taking ceremony at Ramleela Maidan, you praised Dr Harsh Vardhan. Have your views changed since he transferred Sanjeev Chaturvedi, the AIIMS anti-corruption official ?

A: The action taken by the Union Health Minister Dr Harsh Vardhan in the Sanjeev Chaturvedi episode is shocking. It was something which was not expected from him. How can one justify penalizing an officer of such an impeccable track record?During his tenure with AIIMS, Sanjeev unearthed several irregularities and acted on them. Such an honest officer, who was posted for four years, was removed unceremoniously under the pressure of BJP leaders Sushma Swaraj and JP Nadda.

Q. You held a sort of “comeback rally” at Jantar Mantar on 3 August. What did you think of the response?

A: The rally at Jantar Mantar was highly successful because it brought out the anger of the aam aadmi of Delhi. People from all walks of life attended the rally in large numbers to demand fresh elections in Delhi. This also shows that people are now fed up of the BJP government’s false promises. Because if BJP wanted it can hold elections any time in Delhi. But it is afraid to do so.

Q. Given that Delhi’s public were disappointed with you for leaving the government, how do you plan to win their confidence and motivate them to vote for AAP again?

A: In last elections, we had promised Delhi’s voters that we would pass the Lokayukta Bill as soon as we come to power. However, since we have only 27 out of 70 MLAs currently, we were unable to do so. Taking moral responsibility for the same I resigned, thinking that there would be re-elections soon after that. And people would vote us to power because they were highly satisfied with the AAP government. However, BJP feared the same and are delaying elections.
I understand that people were extremely happy during the AAP government, which is why they are disappointed due to our resignation. I apologise for that.

Q. You are known for your unconventional approach to politics. How do you deal with other leaders in your party who have a more conventional approach?

A: Changes do not come overnight, it takes time. The path that we have taken is unexplored, so there can be many ups and downs. And we are learning from this process as well. But whatever we do, we do it transparently. There can be differences in opinion on certain issues, but as a group we are united. I feel this is healthy.

Q. How far have you achieved your quest for “change”, the ideology you stand by? How do you see the path ahead?

A: I dream of Swaraj or giving power to the aam aadmi of the country. We currently have 27 MLAs in Delhi. All our MLAs are holding mohalla sabhas in their area to decide where his/her funds are to be utilized. In fact, most of our MLAs have already exhausted their Rs 4 crore MLA fund. People in these areas are extremely happy because of this because they can see the work done in front of their eyes, in a transparent way.

Q. Why has AAP decided to skip the elections for Haryana and Maharashtra assemblies? Is it resource crunch or the Lok Sabha results that discouraged you?

A: A bit of both.

Q. There have been voices of dissent in the party citing lack of internal democracy. How are you countering that?

A: I don’t think this is true. Even the smallest decision in our party is taken after adequate discussion. For example, I was against fighting on so many seats in Lok Sabha elections. But the larger view was that we should, so I agreed. This means that there is inner democracy.

Q. Senior party leader Shanti Bhusan recently questioned your style of functioning.

A: I am a human-being, I do make mistakes. I learn from them and improve myself.

Q. How do you plan to extend the base of the party in other states from Delhi after the Lok Sabha debacle?

A: We have recently launched Mission Vistar for creating a party structure in other states. This expansion would be based on many things including our learnings from recent Lok Sabha elections and our volunteer feedback. There is a committee in place which is dedicatedly working on it and monitoring the entire process. In fact we have already initiated this process in many states.

Q. Can we know in brief about your economic vision? Free market or state controlled? Why?

A: Well, it depends on the problem and its best possible solution. We need not stick to a single line of being either free market or state controlled market. If the best possible solution to a particular problem lies in free market we will adopt that or if its lies in state controlled market we will adopt that.

Q. Recently, I met a man in in-front of your Ghaziabad residence; he wanted you to be the ‘Anti-corruption Minister’ in the Modi cabinet. Your reaction to it?

A: The Modi government is not interested in eradicating corruption at all. The recent removal of AIIMS CVO Sanjeev Chaturvedi is an example of the same. Sanjeev Chaturvedi is a very brave officer who took several corrupt officers to task. Instead of being appreciated for his efforts he was removed.

Q. Looking at the changing political alignments after elections of 2014, one example is Bihar where Lalu and Nitish have come together. Are you open to join hands with likeminded parties to counter the BJP?

A: No, we will be fighting elections in Delhi on our own strength.

Q. How do you strike a balance between your political commitments and the personal ones? How has your family life changed since joining active politics?

A: My family and friends have been extremely supportive, and I have deep respect for them. They too have deep trust in me and appreciate and encourage whatever I do. I take out time for them and go out whenever I get time.

Q. You have been at the IIT, in the Indian Revenue Service, been an activist and a chief minister. Which one was the most satisfying and which has been the most challenging?

A: All the roles had its own positives and challenges. In fact all these have been inter connected. Whatever knowledge I gained in IIT helped me as an IRS officer. Whatever I learnt about the existing government system helped me as an activist. My being an anti-corruption activist helped me as a chief minister as I could better understand people’s expectations. I have enjoyed all these roles thoroughly and have tried to give my 100% to it.

Q. What do you do to keep your energy levels and confidence high?


A: I do meditate and practice Vipasanna daily which helps me a lot.


This story was first published in www.thepoliticalindian.com and rediff.com on September 1, 2014

Exclusive: Modi, RSS working for “Hindu Rashtra” in India, says Kashmir separatist leader Geelani

August 18, 2014

Srinagar: Under house arrest in his Rawalpora residence in Srinagar, the Tehreek-e-Hurriyat chairman, Syed Ali Shah Geelani has made it clear that his outfit will boycott the upcoming elections in Jammu and Kashmir. Mr Geelani also claimed Narendra Modi and RSS were working towards creating a “Hindu Rashtra” in India and said Chief Minister Omar Abdullah is a puppet in the hands of the Indian Home Ministry.

Excerpts from an exclusive interview:

Q: Jammu and Kashmir is going for elections soon, is there any possibility of your party joining the electoral process?

A: Never. Under no circumstances can we participate in the upcoming elections. Our
stand on Kashmir is that it is a matter of dispute and therefore our demand is that the only electoral option available is a referendum. Local elections under the shadow of the 7.5 lakh Indian soldiers can be never be free and a substitute to the referendum.

Q: Given the fact that elections will take place, people will vote and elect representatives, who (party/person) do you see as the best to govern the state?

A: There is no difference between any of the local pro-India political parties or politicians as they are all only proxies. The real ruler is the Indian Home Ministry, with the local rulers only as puppets.

Q: So you will once again be calling for a boycott of the elections?

A: Yes, we will again call for a boycott of the elections as we believe that elections are used by India to exploit the people of J&K and used as a propaganda tool globally to strengthen and give a justification to the military occupation of the state.

Q: There are some who say that you do not wield as much influence over the Kashmiri youth as earlier.

A: This is an assumption and a part of the vicious propaganda unleashed by the Indian intelligence agencies to create a wedge between the Hurriyat and the youth of Kashmir. The youth of Kashmir are with us, connected by their heart and soul and therefore no false propaganda can take them away from us.

Q: How do you rate the Omar Abdullah regime?

A: Kashmiris have been exploited and their rights consistently trampled during last 67 years of the Indian rule and it is continuing even under the rule of the puppet, Omar Abdullah, who has proved to be the Nero of Kashmir. His rule has been the worst of all. He has proved to be an incompetent person.

Q: How do you rate the Narendra Modi government? Any fears?

A: It does not matter who is ruling India, the policy of the Government of India remains the same – of political stubbornness and hegemony. But besides these facts, the new government of India headed by Narendra Modi is based on the RSS ideology and agenda and is working towards creating a “Hindu Rashtra”.

Q: What’s your reaction on Modi’s stand and Union Minister Jitendra Singh’s statement on Article 370? Is it the portrayal of GOI’s policy?

A: There is great disconnect between the stated position and the real intent of the Government of India on this. The stated policy may be of “no abrogation” but in reality the government of India is working covertly to destroy it (Article 370) but it is not openly ready to acknowledge it due to fears of reprisals. The position is deceitful.

Q: Do you still think that Pakistan can be an alternative for the Kashmiris, when that country has so much internal strife?

A: Our demand is the right of self-determination for the people of J&K. We want respect for our rights and demands and believe people of the state of Jammu and Kashmir are politically mature and capable enough to make a decision, when given a chance to choose.

Q: How do you see the overtures of PM Narendra Modi to Nawaz Sharif, do you think he is serious about resolving issues with Pakistan?

A: It is premature to comment on this question. Only time will decide how he will fare and only then can his performance be judged.

Q: What future do you see for your outfit – Tehreek-e-Hurriyat, given the fact that there have been splits?

A: All separatists have a common goal vis-a-vis the independence of Jammu and Kashmir. Our paths may appear to be separate but the goal remains same and we are all working towards this common goal.

Q: Why is there a trust deficit in the Kashmiris when it comes to the Government of India?

A: The Government of India and the political leadership is responsible for this trust deficit as it is the Indian leadership that has backtracked on the promises made to the people of Jammu and Kashmir time and again. Right from 1947, India has not fulfilled even a single promise made to the people of Kashmir.

Q: Who do you think was the best PM of India vis-à-vis Kashmir in the last 30-40 years? Why?

A: When it comes to the Kashmir dispute, all the rulers of India have proved to be spineless and indecisive. No Indian Prime Minister has been able to take a bold initiative to resolve this long pending dispute. Instead they have used the sufferings of the people of J&K for personal political gains, to strengthen their authority and position – both within the political parties they represent and within the governments they have headed or are heading.

Q: What is your take on the Government of India’s response over the Gaza crisis?

A: The Indian stand on this issue can be termed as criminal as it tacitly sided with the Israeli terroris actions on the people of Palestine. The silence is not befitting for a country claiming to be the world’s largest democracy.

Q: What future do you see for Kashmir in next 10 years?

A: I feel that the youth of Kashmir hold the key and I see that the youth here is full of valor and their hearts are filled with the passion for azadi (freedom). And this passion is what will lead us and be decisive in our demand and goal for freedom in the next ten years. Insha Allah!

- This story was first published in www.thepoliticalindian.com on August 18, 2014. This was also carried by Rediff.com, intoday.in among others. 

Delhi BJP keen to form minority government, avoid elections. Leaders jockey for chief minister’s post

August 6, 2014

New Delhi: The Bharatiya Janata Party is ready to form a minority government in Delhi. The state leadership of the party has come on record for the first time to admit that they are open to the idea of a minority government. This decision has sent BJP leaders in an overdrive in the race to be the party’s chief ministerial candidate.

“There have been minority government’s in the country, there is nothing wrong in it,” said senior BJP leader and MLA from Janakpuri Prof. Jagdish Mukhi. “No elected MLA wants to go for a mid-term elections, not even the MLAs of the Aam Aadmi Party. There has been a minority government at the centre too run by former PM P.V. Narshimha Rao. “

However, the Delhi BJP chief Satish Upadhyay had a very guarded response. “Only the Lieutenant Governor can take a call on the government formation,” he said. “If he calls the BJP, we will take it seriously and discuss the formation of a minority government. There has been a precedence of minority governments.”

Though earlier BJP president Amit Shah was not inclined to go for a minority government in Delhi, party insiders say that Nitin Gadkari has convinced Mr Shah that a minority government was the need of the hour in the national capital.

Leaders scramble for top job

With the very real possibility of a BJP government being formed in Delhi, several leaders are in the fray for the chief minister’s job. The leaders who are reported to be in the race are Dr Harshvardhan, Prof Jagdish Mukhi, Rambir Singh Bidhuri, Meenakshi Lekhi, Nand Kishore Garg, Vijay Goel, Vijender Gupta and Ashish Sood.

Apart from lobbying within the party, they are cranking up their presence on social media or hired PR agencies. Facebook pages named “Dr Jagdish Mukhi the next CM of Delhi” and “Meenakshi Lekhi as Delhi CM” have already cropped up.

“Now that you have informed me, I will get it closed down,” said Mr Mukhi, when told about the Facebook page about him. “I don’t back it, this has happened in the past too. This might have been done by an enthusiastic supporter”.

Meanwhile party MLA from Tri Nagar, Nand Kishore Garg has hired agencies to handle his public relations and social media promotion. “I think every politician has certain aspirations and being the chief minister of a state is one of them,” said Mr Garg. “People are trying to make their case before senior party leaders.”

Who stands where

Based on the information gathered by The Political Indian from Delhi BJP leaders, this is how the various leaders stack up in the race to be chief minister.

Dr Harshvardhan: He is the cleanest and most popular face the BJP in Delhi. But he is a central minister and is unlikely to be relieved to lead Delhi. He is also not keen to be the chief minster of a minority government and would prefer to lead the party into fresh elections.

Prof Jagdish Mukhi: A seven time MLA, he is the frontrunner for the post as of now. Though party sources say that in case the MLAs were to elect the leader, he won’t be able to make it.

Rambir Singh Bidhuri: MLA from Badarpur constituency,Mr Bidhuri is close to Nitin Gadkari. Sources say, he is the one who is in touch with MLAs from other parties, who will help to form and run a minority government. Mr Gadkari would support him for the post, but his party-hopping nature is unacceptable to the RSS. He has been in the Congress, NCP and the BSP earlier.

Nand Kishore Garg: A former chief whip of the party, Mr Garg is a dark horse in the race, admits a party spokesperson. He is close to the RSS and may even be the choice of a majority of MLAs.

Vijay Goel: In the last assembly elections, the party had replaced him with Mr Harshvardhan as the party’s chief ministerial candidate. But there are indications that he is eyeing the post again. Mr Goel was recently in news for making controversial statement on the migrants in the capital. He has the backing of Home Minister Rajnath Singh and the powerful organizational secretary of the party Ramlal.

Meenakshi Lekhi: BJP MP from New Delhi parliamentary constituency is also reported to be in the race, though party insiders say her chances are weak.

Vijender Gupta: Mr Gupta has been active in the Delhi political circuit for long and has served as the president of the state unit too. He had been a trusted man of former Delhi BJP in-charge Mr Gadkari.

Ashish Sood: A close ally of Arun Jaitley, Mr Sood is also in the running. But his not being an MLA is a big hurdle for him, in the case of the party forming a minority government. Mr. Sood is presently the vice president of the party’s state unit and municipal councilor from Janakpuri.

- This story was first published in www.thepoliticalindian.com on August 6, 2014

Inside BJP: Opposition to Amit Shah irrelevant. He is set to become party chief after budget

July 4, 2014

Delhi: PM Narendra Modi’s blue-eyed boy Amit Shah appears all set to be the next BJP chief despite the reservations of senior party leaders like Rajnath Singh, LK Advani and Sushma Swaraj. Though there is no official word, the announcement of Mr Shah’s elevation could come soon after the Union budget presentation on 10 July.

“There is no opposition to Amit Shah as party president, even if someone has reservations, it hardly matters,” said a party spokesperson on condition of anonymity. “The party cadres and the people want him to take the charge and lead. Why should the views of two leaders eclipse the massive support that he has? He has shown his capability in Uttar Pradesh, the organizational skills, the quality to lead, that is all what matters.”

Some leaders fear that with the elevation of Amit Shah, Narendra Modi’s control of the BJP will become absolute. But the dominant view is that the Modi-Shah combine benefits the party. “They have won the elections for the party,” said the spokesperson. “It was Modi magic and the hard work of Mr Shah in UP which gave us the great results, why shouldn’t they run the affairs? If we were led by someone else, the results would have been quite different.”

Mr Shah’s organizational skills, the massive electoral success in UP and the backing of the Modi-Jaitley-Gadkari troika has helped his bid for the party’s top post. Sources say Arun Jaitley is lobbying for Mr Shah’s elevation and is speaking to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) through its leader Suresh Soni. However, the final call has to be taken by the RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat and the Sangh’s second-in-command Bhaiyaji Joshi.

Silence of the anti-Shah brigade

Among the government top brass, Rajnath Singh and Sushma Swaraj are not keen on Amit Shah’s rise. The home minister and outgoing party president Mr Singh fears that his loyal foot-soldiers will be sidelined in a party led by Amit Shah. Meanwhile Ms Swaraj, along with Lal Krishna Advani,
have not been on good terms with Mr Modi or his loyalists like Mr Shah. Yet, no leader has spoken on the record against Mr Shah, nor have they explicitly backed the other candidates like Jagat Prakash Nadda or Om Mathur.

Initially, Mr Shah’s elevation had seemed tough due to two reasons. First, the court cases against Mr Shah for alleged involvement in the encounter deaths of Sohrabuddin Sheikh and wife Kauserbi and the killing of witness Tulsiram Prajapati. Second, it was assumed that the RSS will be uncomfortable with both the prime minister and party president being from Gujarat.

However, they both seem like non-issues now. “The cases against him are very weak,” said a BJP leader. “And as far as the PM and party chief being from the same state is concerned, there is no written rule. When Rajiv Gandhi was the prime minister, Kamlapati Tripathi was the working president of the Congress, both represented Uttar Pradesh.”

- This story was first published in www.thepoliticalindian.com on July 4, 2014

Interview: Modi government already looking for alibis for its failures, says Lalu’s daughter Misa Bharti

June 25, 2014

Patna: Misa Bharti, the eldest daughter of former Bihar chief ministers, Lalu Prasad and Rabri Devi, lost the Lok Sabha elections from Patliputra, a casualty of the “Modi wave” that gave the BJP alliance 31 out of the state’s 40 seats. But the qualified medical professional is neither down, nor out: in an interview she outlines the Rashtriya Janata Dal’s agenda, the “alliance” with Nitish Kumar, slams the Narendra Modi government and asks them to learn from her father Lalu Prasad Yadav on how to turn the Indian Railways profitable without “burdening the poor”.

Q.  You lost a close fight from Pataliputra to Ram Kripal Yadav. Do you regret contesting against your “uncle” who had been an old associate of your father?

A. When you are asked to contest an election by the party, the idea is to stand for and advocate the ideology your party is committed to. And we should not forget that the party is much bigger than individuals and ideological battles are not decided by the outcome of an election. I’m satisfied with my debut performance where I led in three out of six assembly constituencies. I’m in politics for the long term, and when you do things with conviction, there is no regret regret.
Moreover we knew in advance that “uncle” was hobnobbing with BJP for greener pastures since last one year as he wanted to ride the Modi wave and fulfill his dream of becoming a minister and launching his son in politics, which he couldn’t being in RJD.

Q. How do you see the new alliance in Bihar, your father Lalu Prasad Yadav and Nitish Kumar joining hands to stop the BJP?

A. I believe on the basis of our stand in the Rajya Sabha elections, it is too premature to call it an alliance. However, our party is guided by the fact that my father and our national president categorically stated on 16 May that all those forces fighting for social justice, and are committed to socialist principles and have positioned themselves against communal politics need to put their acts together at an all-India level. We shall certainly strive to make sure that the regressive, rightwing politics does not remain unchallenged.

Q. Huge numbers of RJD members have deserted the party in the past; do you plan to reach them out to get them back to the party-fold?

A. The “huge” in the question is a bit of exaggeration. Certain individuals indeed have left the party but you must check when and why they have left. We need to understand that there are individuals who are exclusively guided and are in fact obsessed with the greed for power. What can the party do about them? Every party in India suffers from this and we are no exception. If politics has to be seen from the perspective of transformatory potential, one should be willing to jettison the desire for always remaining in the corridors of power.

Q. You were named Misa after the controversial Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA) passed by the Congress in 1971, which led to the incarceration of your father. Did you ever feel conflicted supporting the Congress?

A. One must learn from history but that does not mean one should become a prisoner to history. When I was named, those were the days of anti-congressism and our party was born as a reaction to those authoritarian streaks but the subsequent realities were different. Both Congress and India’s political scenario have changed a lot since then. We have witnessed the way BJP tried to communalize the whole nation since the 1990s, riots became a political strategy for them leading to the loss of thousands of innocent lives. As a sensible and sensitive political party which cared for an inclusive India, we had to stand with the Congress while having our own separate ideology and principles. In fact, I am proud of my party which took a stand for the “Idea of United India” without caring for political losses and profits as some of the other parties have done.

Q. In the next generation of politics in Bihar, Chirag Paswan has taken a lead by firming up the LJP-BJP alliance.

A. My political belief does not allow me to comment on individuals but I believe politics in the coming days and years shall be seriously weighed on the basis of conviction to ideas that shape an India which belongs to all. Politics shall be a vocation, wherein people with progressive ideas and secular democratic outlook shall be valued and in that context RJD has an edge compared to any other political party or individuals. Chirag is young and was with us till recently. But, LJP is not an ideology based party but a power seeking opportunist party and in terms of mass base or vote share, LJP stands nowhere in comparison to RJD.

Q. The NDA alliance swept the general elections in Bihar, according to you as an individual, why did this happen?

A. The 16th Lok Sabha election was very different from the other general elections. We saw an unholy alliance of neoliberal corporatism with rightwing Sangh kind of politics, with a section of the media as conduit. Examine the discourse and you would find that the real issues affecting the lives of the poor, the downtrodden and the minorities were not allowed to occupy centrestage. Large sums of money were used, and as a result, parties like us which did not have other resources except peoples’ conviction, lost. We lost to the carefully crafted frenzy.

Q. You are a medical professional. In the recent encephalitis outbreak in Bihar, do you think the medical assistance being provided by the state government is up to the mark?

A. If you examine the medical history of this “encephalitis corridor” for past seven years, you realize that there is a discernible pattern to it. The government certainly has fallen much short of what it should have done. I believe in such matters, subject experts should be making the decisions and not the political bosses or the bureaucracy. We should also actively seek international pathological and research expertise. Callousness in this may be because the affected kids come from poor families from remote corners in India and no one bothers about them.

Q. How do you rate the Modi government after its first month in power?

A. The Modi government is going along the predictable lines, what we always believed. Look at the key appointments, whether of the NSA or the Principal Secretary, they all come from rightwing organizations. We have also examined the intent of the government through presidential address, which was a copy—paste version of Modiji’s election speeches. A party which vitiated the election atmosphere by using rhetoric of war against Pakistan has suddenly changed the tenor, with saree & shawl exchanges, forgetting our beheaded martyrs.

The Nihal Chand episode shows government’s doublespeak on the issue of clean politics. Inflation is on the rise and the government is clueless, just blaming the hoarders and state governments. Rise in railway fares by a never before whopping 14 percent will flare up inflation further and is a huge anti-poor decision. They can seek my dad’s advice on how to run railways in profit without burdening the poor. Appointment of several naïve and inexperienced ministers in key portfolios is another sign of the centralized authority of the PM.

Many ministers are unable to get private secretaries of their choice. The propaganda and investigations against several NGOs on the pretext of foreign funding is another way of silencing the voice of the common man and civil society which keeps a tab on anti-poor policies of the government. Even their latest stand on FDI in key sectors like defence goes against their old ideology of swadeshi. Insiders tell us that soon railways would be up for privatization.

In last few weeks, their language has changed and they have only looked for alibis for their gross failures. One person calling all the shots is not a good sign for democracy. Are we creating our very own, homegrown Hitler? I do not wish to sound a cynic but the early signals do not speak well for the Modi government’s approach. Lagta nahin ki achhe din aayenge.

- This story was first published in www.thepoliticalindian.com on June 25, 2014

Sneak peek into Gadkari’s river plans: Yamuna waterway, Ganga video wall

June 23, 2014

New Delhi: If you travel along the Yamuna in Delhi a few years down the line you could well find barges and cargo boats: the Ministry of Road Transport & Shipping under Nitin Gadkari is mulling the possibility of a 43-kilometer waterway from Narela to Noida, to bring life back into the river and to ease cargo traffic on Delhi’s roads.

Apart from this, the ministry is looking to enhance the waterway from Allahabad to Haldia, better cement roads in the remote villages and a waterfall on the banks of the Ganga in Varanasi,which will double up as a video wall after sunset.

There are several nods required from other ministries before the projects finally hit the execution table but Mr Gadkari’s officials are quite gung-ho about the projects.

Waterways for cargo movement

For the Narela to Noida waterway, the Yamuna will be dredged, cleaned and its banks would have to undergo a massive beautification drive. Dredging drives will ensure the minimum navigable depth throughout the 43-kilometer waterway. Four barrages will be constructed on the route to maintain the water level.

This waterway would be used mainly for transport of goods. Ministry sources claim that if the plan is executed, it will reducesome of the traffic load from the capital’s roads, particularly at night when large goods trucks hit the city. This would also make the transport cheaper by around 30 percent.

The ministry is also mulling enhancement of the Ganga-Bhagirathi-Hooghly river system from Allahabad to Haldia. This route, National Waterway 1covering 1,620 kilometers, will need further dredging for proper navigation and barrages will be constructed every 100-kilometers to maintain the water levels. This, the ministry sources say, will also help generate jobs for people residing in the cities on the banks of the route.

Cement roads to replace bitumen

The ministry also plans to replace the use of bitumen with cement in road construction as much as possible. It has a roadmap on how cement use will be more economical and durable. To produce more cement for this plan, the Road Transport & Highways Ministry will approach the Mining Ministry to use at least four mines in Gadchiroli, Chattisgarh, two each of Iron ore and limestone.

For this mining project, the government plans to start a new entity in a joint venture with private players. The new entity will possibly be named Infrastructure Corporation. Global tenders would be invited for the joint venture in which the government will control 51 percent of the equity, with the rest going to the private players.

The cement produced from mines will cost around 50 percent less than in the open market,with large amount of taxes and duties saved. Similarly, the iron ore products from these mines would cost around 40 percent cheaper than otherwise.

The government will control the produce by 50 percent and the priority of the use of the cement and iron ore products would be given to the roads built under the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY), projects of National Highways Authority of India and the Expressways.

Cement roads last much longer than bitumen roads, which is why the ministry is keen on going ahead with this plan. To raise funds for the project, it also plans to issue infrastructure bonds, apart from taking loans from foreign banks.

Waterfall in Varanasi

For the prime minister’s constituency, there is a special package: the ministry is planning to construct an artificial waterfall on the banks of river Ganga.


The waterfall will be designed to attract tourists and will double up as a video wall after sunset on which a film will be screened, aimed at creating awareness to keep the holy river clean. A 60-minute film on the Ganga will be produced for the screening, which will focus on raising awareness among tourists to keep the river clean.

- This story was first published in www.thepoliticalindian.com on June 23, 2014

Modi’s PMO staff: Careers and controversies

June 17, 2014

New Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi has hand-picked his staff to run his South Block office. While they are not very well-known in Delhi circles, most of them are Mr Modi’s old trusted colleagues who have worked with him for long, and come with a reputation of efficiency. Though nothing has been proved against them, they have also had their brush with controversies in the past.

Nripendra Misra: Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister

Role: The most powerful bureaucrat in the government, he will report directly to the PM and will be the bridge between the prime minister, senior ministers and the secretaries in the government.

Credentials: Retired 1967 batch IAS officer from the Uttar Pradesh cadre, Mr Misra also has a Master’s in Public Administration from Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government. He comes with the reputation of being an efficient and honest bureaucrat. He also served as the chairman of Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI).

Brush with controversy: The same Mr Misra was branded as a CIA agent by the Rashtriya Swayam Sewak Sangh (RSS) mouthpiece Panchjanya in 1992. The RSS mouthpiece carried an article alleging he had “proximity to the US” and was seen with some Americans. Soon after this he was sacked from the post of the private secretary to the then chief minister of Uttar Pradesh Kalyan Singh.

Even after Mr Misra’s known tiff with the RSS, the Mr Modi chose him for the coveted role in the PMO and an ordinance was tabled in the Lok Sabha to clear the legal hurdles in his appointment. The ordinance route was taken as the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) Act prohibited its chairman and members from taking up any other job in the central or state governments after remitting office.

Nripendra Misra could face some discomfort over a set of recommendations made by him as a TRAI chairman of the that aided former telecom minister A Raja’s controversial decision to ignore the auction route for allocating 2G spectrum in 2007.

PK Mishra: Additional Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister

Role: He will be assisting the prime minister in governance and matters which the principal secretary is not assigned to. He will work in coordination with the principal secretary and has been brought in looking at the workload which the PMO will have during the Modi regime.

Credentials: Retired IAS of 1972 batch. He has served Mr Modi in Gujarat as his Principal Secretary from 2001 to 2004. He is seen as Modi’s closest advisor on governance and policy issues, and well networked in power corridors.

Brush with controversy: He was one of the few top bureaucrats present during the controversial meeting called by the then CM of Gujarat on the evening of 27 February 2002, after the Godhra train burning. This meeting made headlines for years after IPS Sanjeev Bhatt made some scathing allegations about the meeting. Mr Bhatt alleged that the CM passed some controversial instructions in the meeting; however, the investigating team later said that his statement cannot be relied upon as his presence in the meeting was not established.

Tanmay Mehta: Personal Assistant to the Prime Minister

Role: Looking after schedules, meetings, coordinating with other party leaders

Credentials: Staunch RSS man. Has been serving Mr Modi ever since he became Gujarat chief minister in 2001, and considered his closest aide.

Brush with controversy: Zakia Jafri alleged that Mr Mehta was present in Meghaninagar, Ahmedabad a day before the violence which killed 69 Muslim residents including her husband and former Congress MP Ehsan Jafri, on 28 February 2002. Phone records were furnished to corroborate his presence.

Later activist Teesta Setalvad also furnished phone records to show that Mr Mehta’s phone was used to talk to the then Ahmedabad police commissioner Prashant Chandra Pande five times on the first day of the Godhra riots. Ms Setalvad disclosed this in an affidavit before the apex court on the basis of an analysis of the phone records obtained from the Nanavati Commission.

Mr Modi during his questioning by the SIT was asked whether he used the mobile phone of Mr Mehta during the riots to talk to people, to which the then CM Gujarat said no. It was also alleged that Mr Mehta’s phone was used to talk to some riot accused during the riots in Gujarat; his name figured in the CDs of phone call records submitted to the Nanavati commission by IPS officer Rahul Sharma. However, nothing has been proved against him in the court of law.

Om Prakash Singh: Personal Assistant to the Prime Minister

Role: Managing Mr Modi’s appointments is his key job; apart from this his role is quite similar to that of Mr Mehta.

Credentials: OP, as he is known in the power circle, hails from Banda in Uttar Pradesh. Has a strong RSS background and has been with Mr Modi since early 2001 while the former CM of Gujarat was the general secretary (organization) of the party in Delhi. Mr Singh moved to Gujarat with him as his personal assistant and is considered one of the key members of team Modi.

Brush with controversy: His name also cropped up in the Gujarat riots case when IPS Sanjeev Bhatt pointed fingers towards him. Mr Bhatt claimed that he personally called Mr Singh, the then personal secretary to Mr Modi, and asked him to inform the chief minister the gravity of the situation at Gulberg Society, that if the police didn’t act immediately, the mob would put the society on fire.

Mr Bhatt had called him after he had failed to convince the then Commissioner PC Pande to act, he claimed. Mr Bhatt claimed that even after this call no action was taken. However, the Special Investigation Team (SIT) appointed by the Supreme Court contended that Mr Bhatt forged evidence to malign the state government.

- This story was first published in www.thepoliticalindian.com on June 17, 2014

Inside AAP: How “supremo” Kejriwal fought off Yogendra Yadav’s challenge 

June 9, 2014

Delhi: On 5 June, the day before Aam Aadmi Party’s national executive meet began in Delhi, two emails were leaked to the media. One was written by Yogendra Yadav, in which he slammed Arvind Kejriwal, without naming him, for working like a “supremo”. The second was by Manish Sisodia, seen as a proxy for Arvind Kejriwal, who ripped into Mr Yadav, alleging that he was destroying the party and Mr Kejriwal’s image.

When the national executive started the next day at Prashant Bhusan’s Jangpura residence, MrKejriwal knew that the tone had been set for the meeting and it was against him. The mail spat between Mr Yadav and Mr Sisodia had not gone down well with many party colleagues, and it was the latest symptom of a much larger problem: there was now a clear pushback against his leadership style, and the coterie that he had built around him, which included the likes of Manish Sisodia.
For the first time in its 18-month history, Arvind Kejriwal’s leadership was under severe challenge.

A contrite Kejriwal

Arvind Kejriwal made his first move at the start of the meeting, proposing to win back disgruntled party leader Shazia Ilmi. This was a clear signal to others that he was ready to reconcile with those who have spoken out against the party leadership, including Yogendra Yadav.

In his email, Mr Sisodia had blamed Mr Yadav for the dismal results in Haryana and for the over optimistic national projections that led to the party contesting over 400 seats despite limited resources. So the discussion on the poll results further cornered Mr Yadav. By the time the first day of the meeting got over, the more vocal pro-Kejriwal group in the party had isolated the political analyst turned politician.

Mr Yadav, clad in his trademark kurta with a cotton towel, came out alone from the meet on the first day, refused to speak to the media, merely saying that such things happen in a democratic party. People present in the meeting said that both Mr Yadav and Mr Kejriwal had cordial conversations during the day.

The rapprochement

On the morning of 7 June, the second day of the meet, Mr Yadav accompanied by Prashant Bhusan, went to Mr Kejriwal’s Tilak Lane residence. It was an attempt by Mr Yadav to accept the olive branch offered by the party chief. The three leaders discussed the future of the party and their strategy for the Delhi elections: Mr Kejriwal told them point blank that if was the face of the party for the Delhi elections, he needed to call the shots.

Mr Yadav agreed with him, and Mr Bhushan came around despite initial reservations.


Yogendra Yadav’s ambitions

In accepting Mr Kejriwal’s supremacy for the Delhi elections, Mr Yadav saw the validation of his own authority in the Haryana elections, slated for later this year. He intends to lead the party in the Haryana polls, and hopes the powers vested in Arvind Kejriwal for Delhi will be vested in him for Haryana. It’s also good to remember that Yogendra Yadav’s dissent started after another leader from Haryana, Naveen Jaihind, was seen as challenging his authority in the state.

It was Mr Yadav who proposed the resolution in the national executive to give Mr Kejriwal sweeping powers to run the party and election affair in Delhi unhindered. The resolution was passed by voice votes. Later in the day Mr Yadav and Mr Jaihind’s resignation were taken up and rejected.

The restructuring

The next thing on the minds of the pro-Kejriwal group was to put to rest the issue of centralization of power: restructuring of the party and expansion of the important committees were decided as the way out, what they called “Mission Vistaar”. The agenda came up on the third and concluding day of the meet. It was decided to rejig the most powerful committee the Political Affairs Committee (PAC) and expand the national executive. Later in the day a list of 25 fresh invitees to the national executive was issued, which included the four AAP members of parliament from Punjab.

The concluding day of the meet was also used to discuss the issue of resources available going into the state elections. The executive deferred the decision on fighting the assembly elections in the states of Maharashtra and Haryana: the decision would be taken based on reports from the state committees.

A large chunk of the party feels that if Delhi goes to polls, the party must skip Haryana and Maharashtra in order to stop their resources from being divided. The poor Lok Sabha performance in the two states is also a crucial factor. But party leaders from the state units of Haryana and Maharashtra are keen to go into the elections slated later this year. Yogendra Yadav himself is keen to go for it in Haryana. That could be a potential source of conflict in the future.

The final decision on this will only be made after the polls are announced in Delhi. Till then at least, Arvind Kejriwal has managed to ward off the challenge from Yogendra Yadav, and win over his loyalty.

- This story was first published in www.thepoliticalindian.com on June 9, 2014. It was also published by Rediff.com and some other news websites.

Interview: We are determined to protect the idea of India, says Shashi Tharoor

June 4, 2014

Shashi Tharoor was one of the few senior Congress leaders to retain his Lok Sabha seat in Kerala’s Thiruvananthapuram, as the Bharatiya Janata Party swept to power with a strong majority. In this interview he looks back at what the Congress could have done better and what a Narendra Modi prime ministership means for India.

Q.   Does Narendra Modi’s thumping victory represent the end of the Nehruvian socio-economic consensus?

A.The Nehruvian consensus, for all the criticism it endures today, was what at one time brought India together, facilitating our maturing as a democracy and accommodating so many diverse interests without letting any one group or section dominate our nascent nation state. Its economic aspects did, one could argue, develop certain flaws, notably those of the so-called “licence-permit-quote Raj”, and we saw a slow repeal of much of this in the 1980s itself under Rajiv Gandhi, until under the reforms initiated by Narasimha Rao and Dr Manmohan Singh, India truly marched into a confident new era of flourishing growth and socio-economic dynamism.

The astonishing victory of the BJP under Prime Minister Modi, however, is not merely about economics as much as about also communicating and tapping into the restless (and rightful) aspirations of our people. The Congress Party helped build on the economic structures of Nehru’s day while liberating them from excessive restrictions. But we remain committed to an inclusive idea of development, social justice and opportunities for the deprived and marginalized in our society — which, alas, are sometimes less marketable to a youthful electorate that wants change here and now.
Admittedly, we could have communicated our values and objectives better to voters, but Modi’s ability to convince our fellow citizens that he is their messiah of change, aided by a general anti-incumbency after 10 years of Congress rule, is what, I feel, led to the BJP’s historic victory and led some to argue that the Nehruvian consensus has unravelled. In my view, reports of its demise are exaggerated.

Q. In hindsight did the Congress fail to read the mood of the country: that growth rather than doles is what it wants?

A. As I mentioned, we did have a communication gap we could not fully bridge with our voters, but I do not think painting social legislation as a mere handing out of doles by the state is a fair assessment. Leaving aside the last two years, India witnessed record levels of growth under UPA governance, and our objective, which was supported by eminent economists, lawyers, and social activists with tremendous first hand experience, was to distribute the fruits of this growth more equitably.

And it is a fact, even if a superficial assessment of electoral results might suggest otherwise, that the lives and standards of living of most Indians have changed for the better in the last ten years. This was not because of doles but because of more generous and effective government. In fact it is exactly these doles, as you term them, that put more kids in school, and got more people jobs and their basic needs taken care of, so as to enable them to demand more from their government, which is their right, and which wave of aspirations the BJP rode so successfully.

In a way, they owe some credit to us for helping create this new aspirational India that has voted them to power! Growth is a step-by-step process and the UPA has definitely, I must stress, laid serious foundations here that go beyond parties and will last generations. What you describe as “doles” is in fact not mere handouts but empowerment – enabling those who have little, to meet their basic needs so they can stand on their own feet and aspire to better their lives.

Q. You had said that Mr Modi might turn India into a Hindu Pakistan. Do you still fear that? Does it worry you that the opposition is so weak in parliament?

A.   From his first day as our Prime Minister, Narendra Modi seems to be making all the correct and inclusive statements about working for all Indians and focusing on development; Hindutva seems to have been placed on the back burner, as it largely was throughout the campaign. The history of the BJP and the Prime Minister’s own longstanding connections with the RSS are a cause for some apprehension, but as I have stated since his election and swearing in, any efforts by the Prime Minister and his government to boost India’s growth and development will receive our constructive support.

But we are equally determined to do our duty as a responsible opposition if we see any suggestions of divisive and sectarian intent – including promoting the Hindutva cause, which we believe will destroy the “idea of India” as a pluralist democracy. In other words, any attempts to create a Hindu Pakistan, even if by junior members of his team or by his fellow-travellers, will be robustly opposed. We are determined to protect the idea of India, which the Congress party has always staunchly stood for over the years.

Q. In most democracies the convention is that if the party loses badly, the leader resigns, and the party chooses a new leader. Why did the Congress not accept the resignation of its leaders?

A. There seems to be too much premium placed on the idea of resignation in our discourse, which I frankly think is misguided and unwise. Every party goes through ups and downs, and the answer to this is not to have the entire leadership pack their bags and leave. You will remember that even the BJP lost the 2004 elections, while Mrs Gandhi led Congress to victory, but there was no question of asking BJP stalwarts like Advani-ji to resign.

Earlier, the Congress lost the elections of 1998 and 1999 under Mrs Sonia Gandhi, but her leadership took us to the victories of 2004 and 2009, which would not have been possible had we called for her resignation! We have complete faith in the leadership of our party and, together with younger supporters and fresh innovation, intend to restructure and rejuvenate our organization, from grassroots to the top. We have done this before, and we are perfectly capable of doing so again, and by the time of the next elections we will once again be a force to reckon with electorally.

Q. Do you believe that the Congress can’t perform and exist without a Gandhi leading it?

A. I have often said that India is like a thali of diverse cultures, groups, interests, identities and ideologies. The Congress party, because of its history and heritage, is in many ways a reflection of the same principle. It accommodates so many views and such vast varieties of supporters and members, from die-hard Marxists to free-market enthusiasts, for instance, that leadership would instinctively be difficult to give to any one of these many groups within the party.

We are all united by a common commitment to secularism and inclusive growth, where perhaps the BJP has Hindutva and more industrial development as its unifying principles.The Gandhi family, through its own legacy and history, and, I must add, proven track record of leadership, has successfully preserved this commitment to its founding ethos, alongside all the internal diversity of the party. Our worst defeats were when the family took a backseat from politics, and our resounding victories in recent years were under the leadership of Mrs Sonia Gandhi. We continue to repose our faith in that leadership.

Q. Do you see the Congress moving further left economically to distinguish itself from the BJP? Would that not be counterproductive considering that voters have rejected your socialist policies?

A.   As I said before, the voters have not rejected our policies. In fact it is our policies that have enabled most of them to come out of a more basic existence into a position where they are better informed and more empowered to demand new and different things from their government. Our emphasis on socially inclusive growth is not simple “leftism”; we support growth and have led the liberalization that made growth possible, but we wish to see the benefits of that growth reaching the weakest and poorest sections of our society.

That commitment might not be easy to “sell” in a world where one has to brand and aggressively market every idea; but what we are doing cannot be reduced to the limited constraints of electoral branding! However, in the long run, I am certain that we will be remembered for not abandoning vast sections of society to hanker after a notion of growth that only favours a select few, at the cost of everybody else, who remain where they were. India must shine, but it must shine for everybody. This is an enduring policy of the Congress party, which will stand the test of time and be vindicated in the eyes of history.

Q. In Kerala the BJP performed better than in the previous elections, are you worried over the saffron party making inroads in the state?

A. The BJP’s vote share has gone up only marginally in Kerala, except in their strongest bastion of Thiruvananthapuram, which happens to be my constituency! So yes, I have reason to be worried. But I believe in the fair-mindedness and instinctive secularism of the Kerala voter. I believe the next test will come in the State Assembly elections of 2016, when I hope the Congress will reassert itself and ensure the BJP continues to fail to open its account in our state.

Q. The Aam Aadmi Party is eating up Congress votes in several states; Congress has been reduced to being the third force in Delhi and faced similar fate in Punjab. Your take on the AAP.

A. I believe the AAP’s problem was that it never graduated from being an effective protest movement to a credible party of governance. People who were disillusioned with the state of affairs and wanted a change voted for AAP, but while AAP could explain what they were against, they could never convincingly explain what they were for. Given the chance to rule in Delhi, they frittered away the opportunity in continued protests rather than in leveraging governmental power for the benefit of their voters. I think they will fare much worse the next time round, as voters return to parties that seek power because they know how to use it for the benefit of the people.

Q. You are one of the most tech-savvy members of the party, do you feel that Congress lost the cyber and tech war to team Modi, which ultimately influenced a large section of the youth and first time voters?

A. That is probably true, and I believe the Congress, which woke up to this need a bit late, will now make up for lost time.

Q. How do you think India’s relations with the world will move with other countries under PM Modi, particularly those who have been hostile to him after the Gujarat riots?

A. Mr Modi’s gesture in reaching out to India’s neighbours (and Mauritius) to attend his swearing-in will resonate well internationally. If he continues to reach out to those countries which, for good reasons, had misgivings about him after the horrors in Gujarat in 2002, he could well reassure them that the Modi they feared is not the Modi who now rules in New Delhi.

Q. Mr Modi spoke at length during his election rallies against China and Pakistan, do you think he will act the way he spoke? Will it be possible for Mr. Modi as the Prime Minister?

A. Mr Modi has proved us wrong by extending an invitation to Pakistan for his swearing-in ceremony. The gesture instantly disarmed many across the borders who had been alarmed by his combative rhetoric during the campaign, in which he had promised robust action on the borders, assailed Pakistani sponsorship of terrorism and warned some 30 million Bangladeshi illegal immigrants in India that they should be prepared to pack their bags on the day of his victory.
His cordial welcome to, and subsequent bilateral meetings with, the leaders of these and other neighbouring countries, followed by an invitation to the Prime Minister of China to visit, must have reassured them that the Modi government would not feel obliged to live up to the belligerence of the Modi campaign.


Ultimately, we must remember that India has a certain standing in the world. Mr Modi is the custodian of that standing. If he lives up to the responsibilities that implies, there should be no cause for undue concern internationally.

- This story was first published in www.thepoliticalindian.com on June 4, 2014

Vendetta? Meira Kumar sacks Lok Sabha TV CEO just before stepping down as Speaker

May 31, 2014

New Delhi: In a controversial decision taken on Friday, 30 May, outgoing Lok Sabha Speaker Meira Kumar “limited” the tenure of the Chief Executive Officer of Lok Sabha Television (LSTV) Rajiv Mishra till 31 May.  The Lok Sabha Secretariat issued a three-line notification to this effect on Friday. Mr Mishra has been left fuming and is considering ways in which he can challenge the decision.

“I have been told that Meira Kumar is upset with me as LSTV also flashed the news of her loss in the parliamentary elections from Sasaram,” he said. “This is ridiculous! I was praised by one and all for turning the channel into a profit venture and look what I have got?”

“I came to know of the decision late last night,” said Mr Mishra talking to the Political Indian. “This decision is totally wrong, unethical and immoral on her part. She is just a caretaker and the pro-tem Speaker will take charge on 4 June. She has just 48-hours in the office, and that too just as a caretaker. The 15th Lok Sabha, of which she was a member, has been dissolved and then she takes such a decision.”

Mr Mishra, who has worked with some of the leading media houses of India like Hindustan Times, Star TV and Zee TV, was selected by a six member expert committee headed by Javed Akhtar in late 2011. In total, 40 people had applied for the coveted post.

“I was selected by an expert panel after an 11-month long process and now being removed and not being given a notice period of even 11-hours,” said Mr Mishra. Lok Sabha TV posted profits after five years of inception in 2012; Mr Mishra is credited as being the man behind the turnaround of the channel from a loss making to a profitable venture.

The Speaker’s office

The Officer on Special Duty to the Speaker, KP Balyan, told us over phone that Rajiv Mishra’s term was slated to end on 31 May 2014 anyways. When PI told him that his extension letter did not mention any last date, he insisted that it was his last day in office.

The statement of the Speaker’s office and the notification issued on 30 May contradict each other. While the notification clearly says that Mr. Mishra’s tenure was being limited, the statement says that 31 May was his last day in office originally. In Mr Mishra’s extension letter there is no mention of a last date.

The expert view

Experts say that though the constitution doesn’t bar the outgoing Speaker from taking this decision, proprietary demands she should not take such decisions after the House is dissolved.

“There is no hurdle constitutionally in her taking any such decision, but normally such decisions are not taken,” said PDT Achary, former Lok Sabha secretary general. “It’s improper and wrong, though technically it’s not illegal.”

Mr Achary, who served in the Lok Sabha secretariat for 40 years, said that he has not seen any outgoing Speaker take such a decision during this period.

“Administrative decisions of such magnitude are taken only when there is something urgent and indispensable, there was nothing of that sort in this case,” he said. “The new Speaker would have taken a call.”

- This story was first published in www.thepoliticalindian.com on May 31, 2014

After interview fiasco, Doordarshan bosses eager to impress with Modi’s address to the nation

May 30, 2014

New Delhi: In the middle of election season, ham-handed editing of Narendra Modi’s interview to Doordarshan created an unseemly controversy: his comments on Priyanka Gandhi came out distorted, and even drew a sharp response from Ms Gandhi. Mr Modi had to release the full version of the interview, which his team had also recorded.

Now the same state broadcaster is in charge of telecasting PM Modi’s first address to the nation, which is slated for this weekend.

“We are on standby mode, ready to be at South block or 7 Race Course Road in less than 15 minutes,” said a Doordarshan staffer, part of the team entrusted with the job. The usual bureaucratic lethargy has been replaced by an eagerness to please the new boss. “Our preparations are being checked by the top bosses. We are leaving nothing to chance.”

Usually the team that records such important events comprises of 10-12 members from the broadcaster, which includes producers, cameramen, technical engineers, light and sound experts; but this time it is likely to be a bigger team with top officials eager to meet Mr Modi.

“In all probability, Doordarshan News Director General Mr SM Khan, his deputy and other top officials will be at the recording,” said the Doordarshan staffer. “The director general himself is taking stock of every small detail.”

And the bureaucratic jostle does not stop there. The buzz in Mandi House is that Tripurarai Saran, Director General of Doordarshan National, is keen to override the news section in recording the interview. All appointees of the previous Congress government, now these officials know that their jobs may be on the line, they may soon be replaced by BJP favorites unless they do something spectacular to impress Narendra Modi. Hence they are readying in the long queue for his address to the nation.

A new studio at 7RCR?

The new prime minister is yet to shift to 7 Race Course Road, his official residence, and is not keen to address the nation from Gujarat Bhawan, where he has been staying. BJP sources have confirmed that he is likely to move into his official residence today.

PMO officials have been enquiring about the studio set-up at 7RCR, and it will be interesting to see how the tech-savvy Modi team adjusts to the old-school infrastructure at hand.

In a classic case of red-tape which had become a signature of the last government, a proposal to create a state-of-the-art studio in the prime minister’s residence has been lying in limbo for months. With Mr Modi being more of a television friendly personality than his predecessor, some feel that proposal may finally take off.

“There is a buzz in the Mandi House (the building which houses Doordarshan) that the Director General of DD, Tripurari Saran, wants the DD National to record the interview, let’s wait for a few days for the things to be clear. There is a jostle among the officials, both from DD News and Doordarshan national arm, for the recording in a bid to catch the eye of Modi,” another source from the Mandi House said.

The interview fiasco

The last interview of Mr Modi, recorded before the elections had an answer on Priyanka Gandhi, which was left out of the version that was telecast. But misleading leaks soon appeared, which suggested that Mr Modi has said that Priyanka Gandhi was “like a daughter”. This drew an angry response from Ms Gandhi, while the BJP accused Doordarshan of leaving out the portion due to pressure from the Congress government.

When Mr Modi’s team released the interview, the quote was more mundane, and went something like this: “It is her (Priyanka Gandhi) duty to work for her mother and her brother. If she hurls ten more curses (against me), then too a daughter is a daughter, and whatever she does, I will not be angry at her.”

The Doordarshan producer who was in charge of that interview is understandably being left out of the team that will cover Narendra Modi’s address to the nation.

- This story was first published in www.thepoliticalindian.com on May 30, 2014

Interview: Upendra Kushwaha, Bihari socialist mentored by Nitish Kumar, now joins Modi sarkaar

May 28, 2014

New Delhi: When Upendra Kushwaha (centre) rebelled against his mentor Nitish Kumar in March 2013, forming his own party, many in Janata Dal (United) laughed at him. Little did they know that Mr Kushwaha’s party, the Rashtriya Lok Samata Party (RLSP), would end up being bigger in the Lok Sabha than JD(U), and Mr Kushwaha would be a minister in the Narendra Modi government. The RLSP now has three members in the Lok Sabha while the JD(U) has two.

The Kushwahas, a farming community, are the second largest block among Bihar’s Other Backward Castes (OBC’s) with a 7 percent population, and the RLSP’s tie-up with the BJP ensured that gains were maximized. Yesterday at Rashtrapati Bhawan, Mr Kushwaha was inducted as Minister for Rural Development, Panchayati Raj and Water and Sanitation.

Here are some excerpts from a chat with the 54-year old minster:

On Narendra Modi

“Modiji as a leader is different from others, he stands for development,” Mr. Kushwaha said. “During his election campaigns Modiji made it clear what his agenda was, and what he will do once he gets the reins of the country. He knows how to walk the talk.”

On being a socialist in Modi sarkaar

Mr Kushwaha and his party evoke the name of ailing socialist leader George Fernandes time and again; so how would socialist outfit and its members adjust with the right of centre BJP?

“I don’t know about the previous governments, but this government won’t work on capitalism,” he said. “We will work on a theory where the last man of the society would benefit from the government and people who have been deprived of their share would get it.”

He is sure that Mr Modi would take everyone along and there would be no biases to anyone. “As the prime minister of India, to make the country strong enough, he needs to take people from every section and region along with him.”

On Gujarat model vis-à-vis Bihar  

“The development model of one state cannot always be replicated in another state,” said Mr Kushwaha. “Every state has its own needs and requirements to move ahead and develop; we need to device models based on that. Gujarat model must be a good one but that cannot be replicated in Bihar. More than 80 percent of the population in Bihar relies on agriculture, so without developing infrastructure and other facilities for the farmers, Bihar can’t be developed.”

On Nitish Kumar

“Nothing was done in Bihar in the last two governments of Nitish Kumar, no development has happened,” he roared. “Who is happy in Bihar with the state government? No one. Otherwise Nitish Kumar’s party wouldn’t have got such a drubbing in the elections”

“Bihar needs better infrastructure, law & order, electricity and an industry friendly atmosphere, which Nitish Kumar failed to provide,” he said. “We need agriculture-based industries in the state, such industries will also create jobs which Bihar needs very much.”

On Bihar’s politics and options

While the BJP has been claiming that several JD(U) MLAs are in touch with them and are dropping hints that they may form a government in Bihar, Mr Kushwaha is not in favor of bringing down the Jeeten Lal Majhi-led government. He wants the chief minister to seek a fresh mandate in the state soon.

“We will wait for the elections, and we will win it handsomely,” he said. “Nitish Kumar has made it even easier for us by allying with Lalu Prasad Yadav. We don’t want to cobble together a government at this stage with JD(U) rebels.”

Mr Kushwaha thinks that the Nitish-Lalu alliance in Bihar is doomed to fail.

“Nitish asked for votes exhorting people against Lalu’s jungleraj. Now he has himself allied with Lalu. People will never forgive them,” he said

- This story was first published in www.thepoliticalindian.com on May 28, 2014

Rahul’s coterie: Is this team responsible for Congress’ rout? 

May 24, 2014

New Delhi:  The old guard and even some young leaders in the Congress have their knives out after the poll rout, and it’s mainly for Rahul Gandhi’s team of advisors. Former minister Milind Deora has been the most vocal, saying that Mr Gandhi’s “non-political advisors” had caused a drift in the organization, while other leaders had also questioned the quality of advice received from Rahul Gandhi. Mr Gandhi’s team had also made some feeble attempts to fight back. Here is a lowdown on the members of Rahul Gandhi’s core team who are under fire.

The six under fire

Jairam Ramesh: Blamed for not being a man of masses and yet call the shots in the Lok Sabha elections. Sources confide that the Congress chief Sonia Gandhi herself hauled up Mr Ramesh on 20 May. On his visit to AICC, Mr Ramesh was again at the receiving end, where he got a severe dressing down from a senior party leader considered close to the Congress chief. “You messed up big time,” Mr Ramesh was told by this leader. Considered among Rahul Gandhi’s closest confidantes, Mr Ramesh is not a very popular man in the party righs now. “Even if we would have won I would have seen that you are out of the cabinet,” he was told by the aforementioned leader. Mr Ramesh ran the Congress war room from the Gurudwara Rakabganj Road which looked after the coordination of the 2014 Lok Sabha elections.

Kanishka Singh: Became a hurdle for party leaders who wanted to speak to Rahul Gandhi
Rahul Gandhi’s top aide, Mr Singh is now a prime target for many who feel he over-regulated who could meet the Congress vice-president.  Some Congress leaders have been heard complaining that they could not get an audience with Mr Gandhi for six months due to the Kanishka Singh. Son of a former diplomat and Rajasthan governor SK Singh,  Kanishka quit his investment banker’s job on Wall Street and has been working with Mr. Gandhi since 2003. Over period of time he started having enormous clout, as he became the eyes and ears of Rahul Gandhi, looking over his speeches, travel plans and meetings with Congress leaders.

Madhusudan Mistry: Blamed for last minute changes in Uttar Pradesh, selecting candidates whose chances were bleak. Mr Mistry was Uttar Pradesh in-charge for the party where he is blamed of running a shoddy campaign, with only the two Gandhis winning their seats. He was no match to his BJP counterpart Amit Shah, who turned the tables in UP for the saffron party, securing 71 seats. Mr Mistry lost to Narendra Modi in Vadodara by a whopping 5.5 lakh votes.

Dr G Mohan Gopal: Blamed for adding zilch to the team. Mr Gopal is the Director of Rajiv Gandhi Institute of Contemporary Studies (RGICS), a Congress think tank, included in the party’s election co-ordination committee headed by Rahul Gandhi. Mr Gopal devised the training program for the youth Congress. He has been taking workshops for Congress spokesperson and helped Rahul Gandhi in writing his speeches.

Mohan Prakash: Repeated failures in delivering election results. Rahul Gandhi took the initiative in making Mr Prakash party general secretary and inducted him in his team for the 2014 polls. Senior leaders were not keen on his elevation last year after his failure in Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh as poll in-charge.

Ajay Maken: Failed media campaign and lost his own seat. Mr Maken did disastrously from the New Delhi constituency, coming third after BJP’s Meenakshi Lekhi and AAP’s Ashish Khaitan. The Congress’ media campaign is being seen as a dud, and he was in charge. While in public, Congress leaders have blamed Dentsu, the advertising agency they had hired, but their Luddite media machinery in comparison to Narendra Modi’s high-tech campaign was there for all to see.

Other members of Team Rahul

Kaushal Vidyarthi: One of the latest entrants in team Rahul, he looks after appointments. He has done his DPhil from Oxford University and has specialized in researching Dalit issues.

Mitakshara Kumari: She was in-charge of overseeing the public relation exercise. She was handpicked by Sam Pitroda in his team, a graduate of the University of Sussex and worked with the European Union in Brussels.

KB Baiju: A former SPG officer, Baiju quit his service in 2010 to join team Rahul as an active member. He looks after security details, and also oversees logistics and media.

Sachin Rao: A Michigan Business School graduate, he is in-charge of Rahul Gandhi’s office, and coordinates with the Youth Congress and NSUI.

- This story was first published in www.thepoliticalindian.com on May 24, 2014

Interview: Brand Rahul not affected by defeat, says Sanjay Jha

May 23, 2014

Mumbai: As the Congress licks its wounds after its worst election performance in history, spokesperson Sanjay Jha says this was a result of poor communication rather than poor performance of the UPA government. He also defends Rahul Gandhi’s role, and is non-committal about his sister Priyanka’s joining politics, as some party workers have demanded.

Q. Congress was routed in the elections as far as the numbers are concerned. What went wrong?

A. It is true that our performance has been far below expectations. The Congress party will certainly do a thorough examination of where we went wrong. Usually, there are multiple reasons that contribute to such a dramatically shocking result. There is no denying that we achieved a high GDP growth rate of 7.6 percent over 10 years, lifted 140 million people out of poverty, expanded infrastructure and made strong foundations through historic laws like the RTI, Right to Education, Lok Pal Bill, Right to Food, cash transfers, MNREGA. Clearly, our communication to the people of India wasn’t good enough.

Q. Who do you feel is to be blamed? Rahul Gandhi, who anchored the campaign or Manmohan Singh, who headed the government?

A. In our party, we do not indulge in a blame game, as responsibility is apportioned to various leaders.

Q. At the Congress Working Committee (CWC) both your top leaders resigned. Why were the resignations rejected? Is it because Congress can’t do without a Gandhi at the top?

A. Both the Congress President Sonia Gandhi and Vice President Rahul Gandhi had already accepted responsibility for the defeat on the day of the election result. However, to blame a few people would be unfair because a gigantic election campaign in India can only be run through collective responsibility. The CWC has eminent leaders with great political experience and we must respect their decision. I would also like to remind you that both Mrs Sonia Gandhi and Mr Rahul Gandhi have been instrumental in the general election victories of 2004 and 2009 besides several state assembly elections.

Q. How do you plan to insulate the brand ‘Gandhi’ (read Rahul Gandhi) from the loss? Don’t you feel this has hit his image badly.

A. The brand of Mr Rahul Gandhi stands for trust, inclusiveness, secularism and making a difference to the poor in India. The brand remains unaffected by the election result because the ethos and commitment of Mr Gandhi to his values remains unchanged.

Q. What went wrong in the last 10-years which you would like to correct if given charge to do so?

A. The UPA 1 and 2 did its job despite the great recession that hit the world in 2007-08, coalition compulsions and an obstructionist opposition. We took forward the India story and India became the third largest economy in the world in purchasing power parity terms by overtaking Japan. The one thing that we could have done better both from the government and the party was to have communicated vigorously using all available mediums.

Q. You were routed from Delhi because of the Aam Aadmi Party, now it’s making in-roads in states like Punjab where you are strong. How do you plan to counter it?

A. We definitely need to go back to the grassroots not just in Delhi and Punjab but all over the country.

Q.  How do you rate the Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh, did he fail to strike a balance e between governance and electoral interests?

A. Dr Manmohan Singh had an outstanding tenure as a prime minister during which period we had both high growth and welfare expenditure, e-governance, transparency, pre-legislative consultation, eradication of polio, rise in literacy, higher life expectancy, which were all significant landmarks. Governance is an ongoing process and needs to be adapted to changing public expectations of society. Transparency and accountability are primordial.

Q. There is a clamour for Priyanka Gandhi Vadra to lead the party. Your comments.

A. Ms Priyanka Gandhi Vadra has very sharp political instincts and has campaigned extensively in both Rae Bareli and Amethi. We must respect her decision on whether she would join politics or otherwise.

Q. Do you agree that you failed to capitalize on the internal bickering of the BJP?

A. We were focused on our campaign and strategy and not on whether our opponent’s house was in order or not.

Q. How would Mr. Modi’s ascent to the prime minister’s post impact the country?

A. We do hope that the BJP government under Mr Modi delivers on the promises and expectations that it has outlined during the campaign and in its manifesto. We wish them the best of luck.

- This story was first published in www.thepoliticalindian.com on May 23, 2014